Tien, Chung-kwang
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
Republic of China (Taiwan)
November 13, 2021
(As Delivered)
Good morning!
It is an honor to be invited to speak with you today. On behalf of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China (Taiwan), I would like to extend my appreciation to Dr. Kuo and Dr. Lin for your invitation to today's seminar titled “Japan and Indo-Pacific under Global Pandemic: Policy Practical and Theoretical Japan Studies.” I am certain there will be quite a number of productive discussions, offering valuable insights into a wide range of related issues we face in the post-COVID-19 world.
Over the past few years, the international political, military and economic dynamics have continued to evolve rapidly, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, home to around 60 percent of the global population. Almost 60 percent of global GDP and two thirds of global growth are generated in this region. It is the world's fastest-growing region and its course in many ways has shaped and will continue to shape the course of the twenty-first century. Its emergence offers myriad opportunities in a wide range of areas from trade and manufacturing to research and education. The regional economic growth also re-shapes the strategic landscape and the balance of power in the region is also shifting as a result of this dynamic. This power shift has brought new tensions and systemic contradictions. The region now reflects a multitude of geopolitical changes, factors and complex realities. Geopolitical rivalries, border disputes, domestic and cross-border conflicts put the region at risk of instability. If we didn't handle these challenges or potential crisis well, we could have devastating effects on international security and the global economy.
While the Indo-Pacific has become the focus of the international politics and security, authoritarianism also stems from this region. The rise of more aggressive and self-assured authoritarianism is challenging the liberal democratic system and the rules-based international order that have defined international relations since the end of World War II. I would say the international political landscape nowadays is confrontation between democracy and authoritarianism. And in the contest of global values, the authoritarian group led by China, has spared no effort to manage to prove or mislead the world that authoritarianism has the upper hand over democracy.
In fact, over the past decades, while China adhered to the strategic principle of “hiding your strength, biding your time”, it still has upheld the idea of building into a global power. And like all great powers, China seeks to influence the region to suit its own interests. Thus, China has gradually and systemically attempted to expand its influence around the world. China's modernization is rapidly improving the capabilities of its armed force. China now has the largest navy force in the world and China is also a large aid donor, investor and lender to the region and the world. For example, trade between China and Belt and Road Initiatives partners has exceeded $9.2 trillion and direct investments by Chinese companies in countries along the Belt and Road has surpassed $130 billion. China also played a greater leadership role in the UN as it has become the second largest financial contributor to both the UN and UN peacemaking operations. However, China didn't engage in the region and the world with good will but with its ambition of hegemonic expansion such as in the South China Sea and East China Sea.
China has passed the notorious Hong Kong national security law to trample on Hong Kong's democracy and freedom despite opposition and criticism around the world. It has exerted its sharp power and wage a disinformation campaign. It has taken wolf-warrior diplomacy and reinforced a transition of Chinese diplomacy from conservative, passive and low-profile to assertive, proactive, and high-profile. What the new diplomacy approach means is not just offensives by Chinese diplomats to defend China's national interest but a reflection of China's ambitions to disrupt the rules-based international order and to shape the world with its own authoritarian rules.
While China is expanding hegemony and spreading tentacles throughout the world during the pandemic, China has also exposed its true malicious global ambitions. At this moment with these unprecedented challenges amid a complex political landscape, free and democratic partner countries have been alerted to the expansion of authoritarianism. In recent months, like-minded countries have reached a consensus on security issues arising from China and then come closer together to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific and to safeguard our belief of democracy, freedom and human rights.
We all agree that the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific largely relates to the actions of the United States, China, Japan and even India. Among these main actors, we are happy to see the Biden administration follows the predecessor's footsteps in the Indo-Pacific with an even not only stronger but more practical position. The US withdrawal of troop in Afghanistan indicates reinforcing US deterrence in the region and makes clear its intention to defend its core alliances and interests in the Indo-Pacific. Since former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivered a speech in Indian Parliament and mentioned the confluence of the Two Seas in 2007, Japan has played an even more active leadership role and become more outspoken about international relations in recent years. We can see this positive position under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga's administrations. And Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has also emphasized his intention to strategically promote the realization of a free and open Indo-Pacific in cooperation with President Biden since taking office recently. Last but not least, we can also see India's apparent unmooring from the concepts of non-alignment and strategic autonomy. India has reframed its foreign policy away from tradition framework and taken more responsibilities in regional affairs.
The resurgence of the Quad is a striking example of democracies coming closer. Moreover, China's hegemonic ambition fuels the backlash against itself. Following the first Quad Summit took place on March 12, the second Summit was held at the White House on September 24. At this interval, the Quad working groups on vaccine, critical technologies and climate change also have made some progress and OUAD itself has become more institutionalized. In the aftermath of the QUAD countries showing determination for unity, the G7 Summit, NATO Summit, and US-EU Summit, Australia-France 2+2 Ministerial, ANUKUS, AUSMIN, Consultations, etc also demonstrated a united desire for a world anchored by democratic values and unconstrained by coercion. We can clearly see a trans-Pacific alliance of like-minded democracies gradually taking shape and a renewed transatlantic partnership. I am sure in today's seminar, we will have more discussions related to the Quad, Japan-US Alliance or other regimes in response to the newly-developed political climate and how these partner countries develop cooperation on all aspects pertinent to security and the well-being of the people in the democratic community. Also, I hope these regimes leave open the possibility for more participants depending on the interest and availability of other partners and Taiwan should be included in some form in the near future.
Taiwan has faced and fought against tremendous challenges and threats from China for decades. China has never abandoned its ambitions towards Taiwan. Particularly over the past few years, China has stepped up its rhetorical assault and military intimidation against Taiwan, repeatedly sending military ships and aircraft to circle Taiwan or intrude into our ADIZ, luring away our diplomatic allies, as well as interfering in our relations with other countries and our participation in international organizations. In addition, Chinese government-backed disinformation flooded Taiwan. We receive nearly 30 million attacks a month, about half of which are suspected of coming from China.
Thus, on many recent occasions in the international arena, the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait has been underscored again and again. It shows the development across the Taiwan Strait is not just a cross-strait issue but a global concern as well. Any development in the Taiwan Strait is indeed a challenge not only to the Indo-Pacific liberal order but also the rest of the world.
Why Taiwan matters? Taiwan is of critical strategic importance to the region and the world. Taiwan is situated in the middle of the first island chain in the West Pacific, a crucial geographical position to contain China's military power and its spread of authoritarianism. Taiwan is a key partner in the global ICT industry, especially in the supply chain of semiconductor. Taiwan has planned to invest overseas over the next few years to increase capacity to meet chip demand.
Taiwan stands firm and safeguards democracy, freedom and human rights with great determination. Taiwan is able and willing to share our experiences of how to defend democracy for more than half a century.
Bilateral cooperation between Taiwan and Japan has become more comprehensive and institutionalized in recent year. I would also take this opportunity to appreciate Japan's donation of COVID-19 vaccines and support for Taiwan's CPTPP's bid. I am sure the two countries will work together in many other areas in the foreseeable future. Taiwan-US relations are rock solid and advancing steadily. We have enhanced mutual trust, strengthened our partnership through many different channels, and expanded cooperation into more domains. Besides, relations between Taiwan and Europe have also maintained a healthy momentum, with both sides continuing to deepen exchanges and cooperation based on such shared values as democracy, freedom, and human rights.
Taiwan's continued promotion of multilateral dialogue is part of how we are working to find a peaceful resolution to the security issues of our day. Today's seminar is one example of our commitment to being an active, reliable partner in the Indo-Pacific. At this challenging time, Taiwan stands in solidarity with our partners, and we hope our friends will also stand by us. Together, we can realize a free, open, inclusive, and resilient Indo-Pacific. Democracy will and must prevail in the end.
In closing, once again thank you, Dr. Kuo Yu-jen and Dr. Lin Hsien-sen for the invitation to speak. I wish you all a successful seminar.